--- After the head of the Revolutionary Council, the 1953 Iranian coup d'état led to Mohammad Reza Pahlavi aligning Iran with the Western Bloc. He cultivated a close relationship with the United States to consolidate his power as an authoritarian ruler. Relying heavily on American support during the Cold War, Pahlavi remained the Shah of Iran for 26 years after the coup, effectively preventing the country from falling under the influence of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union. Beginning in 1963, he introduced a series of reforms aimed at modernizing Iranian society. Known as the White Revolution, Pahlavi’s modernization campaign faced significant opposition. Due to his continued vocal resistance to these reforms, Ayatollah Khomeini was arrested twice and ultimately exiled from Iran in 1964. Despite his exile, ideological tensions between Pahlavi and Khomeini persisted. By October 1977, anti-government demonstrations had begun, gradually developing into a broader campaign of civil resistance that incorporated both secular and Islamist elements. In August 1978, the deaths of between 377 and 470 people in the Cinema Rex fire — which the opposition claimed was orchestrated by Pahlavi’s secret police, SAVAK — became a major catalyst for widespread popular unrest. The Cinema Rex fire sparked a revolutionary movement across all of Iran, and large-scale strikes and demonstrations soon paralyzed the country for the remainder of the year. On 16 January 1979, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi left Iran and went into exile, marking the end of the monarchy. He delegated his responsibilities to the Regency Council and Shapour Bakhtiar, an opposition-based figure who had been appointed as prime minister. On 1 February 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran following an official invitation from the government. Thousands of Iranians gathered to welcome him upon his arrival in Tehran. By 11 February 1979, the... By 11 February 1979, the monarchy was officially overthrown, and Khomeini assumed leadership over Iran as guerrilla fighters and rebel troops overpowered forces loyal to Pahlavi in armed conflict. Following the March 1979 Islamic Republic referendum—where 98% of Iranian voters approved transforming the country into an Islamic republic—the new government began drafting the present-day Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In December 1979, Khomeini emerged as the Supreme Leader of Iran. The success of the Iranian Revolution took the world by surprise... The Iranian Revolution was considered by many to be unusual in nature: it lacked many of the typical causes of revolutionary upheaval, such as military defeat, financial crisis, peasant rebellion, or a fractured army. It occurred in a country that was, at the time, experiencing relative prosperity. Despite this, the revolution produced profound change at remarkable speed, gained massive popular support, and led to the large-scale exile that now defines much of the Iranian diaspora. Ultimately, it replaced a pro-secular, Western-aligned authoritarian monarchy with an anti-Western Islamist theocracy, founded on the principle of Velâyat-e Faqih (the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist). The concept of Velâyat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) became the foundation of the new regime, which straddled the line between authoritarianism and totalitarianism. Beyond reshaping Iran's internal structure, the Iranian Revolution also aimed to spread Shia Islam throughout the Middle East, guided by the ideological framework of Khomeinism. This agenda was designed to challenge and uproot the existing regional status quo, which largely favored Sunni Islam. Following the consolidation of Khomeinist influence, Iran began supporting Shia militant groups across the region in a strategic effort to counter Sunni dominance and assert Iranian leadership—ultimately striving to establish a Shia political order led by Iran. Other shortcomings of the previous regime contributed to rising discontent. The Shah's government was widely perceived by segments of Iranian society as oppressive, brutal, corrupt, and excessively lavish. It also struggled with basic functional failures, leading to economic bottlenecks, inflation, and shortages of essential goods. Additionally, many Iranians viewed the Shah as beholden to—or even a puppet of—a non-Muslim Western power, namely the United States, whose cultural influence was seen as eroding Iran’s own identity. At the same time, support for the Shah appeared to be diminishing among Western politicians and media... Especially under President Jimmy Carter—due to the Shah's support for OPEC petroleum price increases earlier in the decade—tensions rose. President Carter implemented a human rights policy stating that countries guilty of human rights violations would be deprived of American arms or aid. This policy encouraged some Iranians to post letters and open petitions, hoping that government repression might ease. The revolution eventually replaced the monarchy of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi with an Islamic government led by Ayatollah Khomeini. The revolution was credited in part to the spread of a particular version of the Islamic revival, which resisted Westernization and viewed Ayatollah Khomeini as following in the footsteps of the Shi'a Imam Husayn ibn Ali, with the Shah seen as representing Husayn's enemy, the despised tyrant Yazid I. Other contributing factors included the underestimation of Khomeini's Islamist movement—both by the Shah’s regime, which saw them as a minor threat compared to the Islamic socialists and Marxists, and by secular opponents of the government, who believed the Khomeinists could be sidelined. Tobacco Protest (1891): By the end of the 19th century, the Shi'a ulama (clergy) held significant influence over Iranian society. The clergy first demonstrated its power as a political force opposing the monarchy during the 1891 Tobacco Protest. On 20 March 1890, the long-reigning monarch, Shah Nasir al-Din, granted a concession to Major G. F. Talbot—a British subject—giving him a 50-year monopoly over the production, sale, and export of tobacco in Iran. At the time, the Persian tobacco industry employed over 200,000 people, making the concession a major blow to Persian farmers and merchants. The concession also greatly affected the bazaaris, whose livelihoods were largely dependent on the lucrative tobacco trade. The widespread boycotts and protests, fueled by Mirza Hasan Shirazi's fatwa (judicial decree), grew rapidly. Within two years, Nasir al-Din Shah found himself powerless to suppress the popular movement and ultimately canceled the concession. The Tobacco Protest marked the first significant resistance in Iran against the Shah and foreign interests, demonstrating the power of the people and the strong influence of the ulama among them. Persian Constitutional Revolution (1905–1911): The growing dissatisfaction in Iran culminated in the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911. This revolution led to the establishment of a parliament, the National Consultative Assembly (also known as the Majlis), and the approval of the first constitution. While the constitutional revolution successfully weakened the autocracy of the Qajar regime, it failed to establish a strong alternative government. As a result, in the decades following the creation of the new parliament, several critical challenges arose. Many of these events can be seen as a continuation of the struggle between the constitutionalists and the Shahs of Persia, many of whom were supported by foreign powers against the parliament. Reza Shah (1921–1935): The insecurity and chaos that followed the Constitutional Revolution paved the way for the rise of General Reza Khan, commander of the elite Persian Cossack Brigade. In February 1921, he seized power in a coup d'état. Reza Khan established a constitutional monarchy, deposing the last Qajar Shah, Ahmad Shah. In 1925, Reza Khan was designated monarch by the National Assembly and became known as Reza Shah, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. His reign saw widespread social, economic, and political reforms, many of which led to public discontent that would eventually contribute to the Iranian Revolution. One of the most controversial actions during his rule was the replacement of Islamic laws with Western ones. Additionally, he forbade traditional Islamic clothing, the separation of the sexes, and the veiling of women’s faces with the niqab. Police forcibly removed and tore off the veils of women in public. Reza Shah's government forcibly removed chadors from women who resisted his ban on the public hijab. In 1935, dozens were killed and hundreds more injured in the Goharshad Mosque rebellion. On the other hand, during the early years of Reza Shah’s rule, Karim Ha'eri Yazdi founded the Abdul Qom Seminary and introduced significant changes in religious seminaries. However, he, along with other religious leaders who followed him, refrained from becoming involved in political matters. As a result, no widespread anti-government movements were organized by the clergy during Reza Shah's reign. However, the future Ayatollah... Khomeini was a student of Sheikh Abdul Karim Ha'eri. Mosaddegh and The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (1951–1952): From 1901 onward, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (renamed the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1931), a British oil company, held a monopoly on the production and sale of Iranian oil. It became the most profitable British business in the world. While most Iranians lived in poverty, the wealth generated from Iranian oil played a decisive role in maintaining Britain’s global dominance. In 1951, Iranian Prime Minister... Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh pledged to expel the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company from Iran, reclaim the nation’s petroleum reserves, and free Iran from foreign influence. In 1952, Mosaddegh nationalized the company and became a national hero. However, the British were outraged and accused him of theft. They unsuccessfully sought punishment through the World Court and the United Nations, sent warships to the Persian Gulf, and eventually imposed a harsh embargo. Despite Britain’s efforts, Mosaddegh remained steadfast. One European newspaper, the Frankfurter Neue Presse,... The Frankfurter Neue Presse reported that Mosaddegh "would rather be fried in Persian oil than make the slightest concession to the British." The British considered an armed invasion, but UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill ultimately opted for a coup after U.S. President Harry S. Truman refused to provide military support. Truman sympathized with nationalist movements like Mosaddegh's and held little regard for the old-style imperialists who ran the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. However, Mosaddegh learned of Churchill's plans and, in October 1952, ordered the British embassy to be closed, forcing all British diplomats and agents to leave the country. Although the British were initially turned down in their request for American support by President Truman, the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as U.S. president in November 1952 shifted the American stance on the conflict. On 20 January 1953, U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother, CIA Director Allen Dulles, informed their British counterparts that they were ready to take action against Mosaddegh. In their view, any country not decisively allied with the United States was a potential enemy. Iran, with its immense oil wealth, a long border with the Soviet Union, and a nationalist prime minister, presented the possibility of falling into communism. Although the British were initially turned down in their request for American support by President Truman, the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as U.S. president in November 1952 shifted the American stance on the conflict. On 20 January 1953, U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother, CIA Director Allen Dulles, informed their British counterparts that they were ready to take action against Mosaddegh. In their view, any country not decisively allied with the United States was a potential enemy. Iran, with its immense oil wealth, a long border with the Soviet Union, and a nationalist prime minister, presented the possibility of falling into communism. American and British forces instituted a highly effective embargo on Iranian oil and covertly destabilized the legislature, ultimately helping to restore control to their ally, Pahlavi. The American "Operation Ajax," orchestrated by the CIA, was supported by British MI6 in organizing a military coup d'état to oust Mosaddegh. The Shah fled to Italy when the initial coup attempt on August 15 failed, but he returned after a successful second attempt on August 19. Pahlavi maintained a close relationship with the U.S. government, as both regimes shared opposition to the expansion of the... The Shah's government, like his father’s, was known for its autocracy, its focus on modernization and Westernization, and its disregard for the religious and democratic principles outlined in Iran's constitution. Leftist and Islamist groups, often operating from outside Iran due to repression within the country, attacked his government for violating the Iranian constitution, political corruption, and the political oppression, torture, and killings carried out by the SAVAK secret police. White Revolution (1963–1978) Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi The White Revolution was a series of far-reaching reforms in Iran launched in 1963 by Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, lasting until 1978. Mohammad Reza Shah's reform program was specifically designed to weaken the classes that supported the traditional system. It consisted of several elements, including land reform, the sale of... The White Revolution included the sale of state-owned factories to finance land reform; the enfranchisement of women; the nationalization of forests and pastures; the formation of a literacy corps; and the institution of profit-sharing schemes for workers in industry. The Shah promoted the White Revolution as a step toward westernization and as a means to legitimize the Pahlavi dynasty. Part of the motivation behind launching the White Revolution was the Shah's desire to eliminate the influence of landlords and create a new base of support among the peasants and working class. Thus, the White Revolution in... The White Revolution in Iran was an attempt to introduce reform from above while preserving traditional power structures. Through land reform, the core of the White Revolution, the Shah hoped to align himself with the peasantry in the countryside and sever their ties with the urban aristocracy. However, what the Shah did not anticipate was that the White Revolution created new social tensions, which contributed to many of the problems he had been trying to avoid. The Shah's reforms more than quadrupled the size of the two classes that had historically posed the greatest challenges to his monarchy... The intelligentsia and the urban working class, whose resentment towards the Shah grew, were now stripped of the organizations that had once represented them, such as political parties, professional associations, trade unions, and independent newspapers. The land reform, instead of allying the peasants with the government, produced large numbers of independent farmers and landless laborers who became political free agents, with no loyalty to the Shah. Many of the masses felt increasing resentment towards the corrupt government, while their loyalty shifted toward the clergy, who were seen as more concerned... The clergy, seen as more concerned with the fate of the populace, maintained or even increased their influence. As Ervand Abrahamian pointed out, "The White Revolution had been designed to preempt a Red Revolution. Instead, it paved the way for an Islamic Revolution." The White Revolution's economic "trickle-down" strategy also failed to work as intended. In theory, oil money funneled to the elite was supposed to create jobs and factories, eventually distributing wealth across society. However, the wealth became concentrated at the top, remaining in the hands of a very few. Western culture was seen as a plague or an intoxication to be eliminated. Ali Shariati’s vision of Islam as the true liberator of the oppressed Third World from colonialism, capitalism, and neo-colonialism gained traction, as did Morteza Motahhari’s popularized retellings of the Shia faith, which attracted listeners, readers, and supporters. Most importantly, Khomeini preached that revolt, especially martyrdom, against injustice and tyranny was an integral part of Shia Islam. He emphasized that Muslims should reject the influence of both liberal capitalism and communism, ideas that inspired the... The revolutionary slogan "Neither East, nor West – Islamic Republic!" became a rallying cry. Away from public view, Khomeini developed the ideology of velayat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist) as a form of government. He argued that Muslims—indeed, everyone—required "guardianship" in the form of rule or supervision by the leading Islamic jurist or jurists. Such rule, Khomeini claimed, was "more necessary even than prayer and fasting" in Islam, as it would protect Islam from deviation from traditional sharia law, and, in doing so, eliminate poverty, injustice, and the "plundering" of Muslim lands by foreign non-believers. This idea of rule by Islamic jurists was spread through Khomeini's book Islamic Government, mosque sermons, and smuggled cassette speeches among his opposition network of students (talabeh), ex-students (able clerics such as Morteza Motahhari, Mohammad Beheshti, Bahonar, Mohammad-Javad Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Mohammad Mofatteh), and traditional businessmen (bazaari) inside Iran. The cohesion and organization of Khomeini's forces were strengthened, while communist groups—primarily the Party of Iran and the guerrillas Tudeh Fedaian—had been considerably weakened by government repression. Despite this, the guerrillas played an important role in the final February 1979 overthrow, delivering "the regime its coup de grace." The most powerful guerrilla group, the People's Mujahedin, was leftist Islamist and opposed the influence of the clergy, viewing them as reactionary. Some important clergy did not follow Khomeini's lead. Popular ayatollah Mahmoud Taleghani supported the left, while perhaps the most senior and influential ayatollah in Iran, Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, initially remained aloof from politics and later came out in support of a democratic revolution. Khomeini worked to unite this opposition behind him (except for the unwanted 'Marxists'), focusing on the socio-economic problems of the Shah's government (corruption and unequal income and development), while avoiding specifics among the public that... Khomeini avoided presenting specifics that might divide the factions, particularly his plan for clerical rule, which he believed most Iranians had become prejudiced against due to a propaganda campaign by Western imperialists. In the post-Shah era, some revolutionaries who clashed with his theocracy and were suppressed by his movement complained of deception, but in the meantime, anti-Shah unity was maintained. 1970–1977 Several events in the 1970s set the stage for the 1979 revolution. The 1971 2,500-year celebration of the Persian Empire at Persepolis, organized by the government, was criticized for its extravagance. "As the foreigners reveled in drinks forbidden by Islam, Iranians were not only excluded from the festivities, but some were starving." Five years later, the Shah angered pious Iranian Muslims by changing the first year of the Iranian solar calendar from the Islamic ascension to the throne by hijri to the year of Cyrus the... The Shah's family was the foremost beneficiary of the income generated by oil, and the line between state earnings and family earnings blurred. By 1976, the Shah had accumulated upward of $1 billion from oil revenue; his family – including 63 princes and princesses – had accumulated between $5 and $20 billion; and the family foundation controlled approximately $3 billion. By mid-1977, economic austerity measures to fight inflation disproportionately affected the thousands of poor and unskilled male migrants settling in the cities, working in the construction industry. Culturally and religiously conservative, many of them went on... ..to form the core of the revolution's demonstrators and "martyrs." All Iranians were required to join and pay dues to a new political party, the Ḥezb-e Rastakhiz party—all other parties were banned. That party's attempt to fight inflation with populist "antiprofiteering" campaigns—fining and jailing merchants for high prices—angered and politicized merchants while fueling black markets. In 1977, the Shah responded to the "polite reminder" of the importance of political rights by the new American president, Jimmy Carter, by granting amnesty to... Some prisoners were granted amnesty, and the Red Cross was allowed to visit prisons. Throughout 1977, liberal opposition formed organizations and issued open letters denouncing the government. Against this background, the first crucial manifestation of public expression of social discontent and political protest against the regime took place in October 1977, when the German-Iranian Cultural Association in Tehran hosted a series of literature reading sessions, organized by the newly revived Iranian Writers Association and the German Goethe-Institute. In these "Ten Nights" (Dah Shab), 57 of Iran's most prominent poets and writers read their... The chain of events began with the death of Mostafa Khomeini, chief aide and eldest son of Ruhollah Khomeini. He mysteriously died at midnight on 23 October 1977 in Najaf, Iraq. The SAVAK and Iraqi government declared a heart attack as the cause of death, though many believed his death was attributed to SAVAK. Khomeini remained silent after the incident, while in Iran, with the spread of the news came a wave of protest and mourning ceremonies in several cities. The mourning of Mostafa was given a political cast by Khomeini's political credentials, their enduring opposition to the monarchy, and their exile. The developments initiated by seminaries closing on 7 January 1978 were followed by the bazaar and seminary closing, and students rallied towards the homes of the religious leaders the next day. On 9 January 1978, seminary students and other people demonstrated in the city, which was cracked down on by the Shah's security forces, who shot live ammunition to disperse the crowd when the peaceful demonstration turned violent. Between 5–300 of the demonstrators were reportedly killed in the protest. 9 January 1978 (19 Dey) is regarded as a bloody day in Qom. Consolidation of the opposition (February–March) According to Shia customs, memorial services (chehelom) are held 40 days after a person's death. Encouraged by Khomeini (who declared that the blood of martyrs must water the "tree of Islam"), radicals pressured the mosques and moderate clergy to commemorate the deaths of the students and used the occasion to generate protests. The informal network of mosques and bazaars, which for years had been used to carry out religious events, increasingly became... ...where protests were larger, and Tehran, where they were smaller—protesting every 40 days. This amounted to a small minority of the more than 15 million adults in Iran. Against the wishes of Khomeini, Shariatmadari called for 17 June mourning protests to be carried out as a one-day stay. Although tensions remained in the milieu, the Shah's policy appeared to have worked, leading Amuzegar to declare that "the crisis is over." A CIA analysis in August concluded that Iran "is not in a revolutionary or even a pre-revolutionary situation." These and later events... Renewed protests (August-September) Appointment of Jafar Sharif-Emami as prime minister (11 August) By August, the protests had "kicked…into high gear," and the number of demonstrators mushroomed to hundreds of thousands. In an attempt to dampen inflation, the Amuzegar administration cut spending and reduced business. However, the cutbacks led to a sharp rise in layoffs—particularly among young, unskilled, male workers living in the working-class districts. By summer 1978, the working... The protesters demanded that Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi step down from power and that Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini be returned from exile. The protests grew incredibly fast, reaching between six million and nine million in strength in the first week. About 5% of the population had taken to the streets in the Muharram protests. Both beginning and ending in the month of Muharram, the protests succeeded, and the Shah stepped down from power later that month. After the success of what would become known as a revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran as its religious and... political leader for life. Khomeini had been an opposition leader to the Shah for many years, rising to prominence after the death of his mentor, renowned scholar Yazdi Ha'iri, in the 1930s. Even in his years in exile, Khomeini remained relevant in Iran. Supporting the protests from beyond Iran's borders, he proclaimed that "freedom and liberation from the bonds of imperialism" was imminent. Tasu’a and Ashura marches (10–11 December) As the days of Tasu’a and Ashura (10 and 11 December) approached, in order to prevent a deadly showdown, the Shah began to draw back. In negotiations with Ayatollah Shariatmadari, the Shah ordered the release of 120 political prisoners and Karim Sanjabi, and on 8 December revoked the ban on street demonstrations. Permits were issued for the marchers, and troops were removed from the procession's path. In turn, Shariatmadari pledged that there would be no violence during the demonstrations. On 10 and 11 December 1978, the days of Tasu’a and Ashura, between 6 and 9 million anti-Shah demonstrators marched throughout Iran. According to one historian, "even discounting for exaggeration, these figures may represent the largest protest event in history." The marches were led by Ayatollah Taleghani and National Front leader Karim Sanjabi, thus symbolizing the "unity" of the secular and religious opposition. The mullahs and bazaaris effectively policed the gathering, and protesters who attempted to initiate violence were restrained. More than 10% of the country marched in anti-Shah demonstrations on the two days, possibly a higher percentage than any previous revolution. It is rare for a revolution to involve as much as 1 percent of a country's population; the French, Russian, and Romanian revolutions may have passed the 1 percent mark. Revolution (late 1978–1979) Much of Iranian society was in euphoria about the coming revolution. Secular and leftist politicians piled onto the movement hoping to gain power in the aftermath, ignoring the fact that Khomeini was the very antithesis to all of the positions they supported. Clear to more secular Iranians that Khomeini was not a liberal, he was widely perceived as a figurehead, and that power would eventually be handed to the secular groups. [6] [117] Demoralization of the army (December 1978) A protester giving flowers to an army officer. The military leadership was increasingly paralyzed by indecision, and rank-and-file soldiers were demoralized, having been... Forced to confront demonstrators while prohibited from using their own weapons (and being condemned by the Shah if they did). [115] Increasingly, Khomeini called on the soldiers of the armed forces to defect to the opposition. [114] [102] Revolutionaries gave flowers and civilian clothes to deserters, while threatening retribution to those who stayed. On 11 December, a dozen officers were shot dead by their own troops at Tehran's Lavizan barracks. Fearing further mutinies, many soldiers were returned to their barracks. [115] Mashhad (the second largest city in Iran) was abandoned to the...